Gerald Bareebe
Kampala
The media and freedom of expression has suffered heavily since riots broke up in Kampala three weeks back. Beyond the official closure of radio stations and suspension of some radio presenters announced by the Broadcasting Council, individual media houses have taken radical steps to gag themselves in a bid to appease authorities and keep their businesses running.
Some of the actions are reportedly out of subtle pressure from the government and specifically the Broadcasting Council while others are self-generated in an environment of general fear and the need to play safe.
In one case, Inside Politics has obtained an internal memo of the more prominent broadcasting houses with a local language and English language stations where presenters have been told that, “all content relating to Buganda - the Buganda Kingdom and the institution of the Kabaka - will not be aired on both stations, unless as positive stories run in the New Vision or Bukedde newspapers covered in our press review”. Bukedde and New Vision are part of the publicly-traded but state-controlled print and electronic media group.
The memo was issued by the programmes director of the two stations following a meeting with the Broadcasting Council. The memo further says “ Stop all talk and promos in support of Buganda Certificates; Stop all talk and promos in support of the Buganda Football Tournament Cup finals, Amasaza Cup, this Saturday and stop all songs about Buganda and in some cases those about Buganda’s quest for federo or those eulogising the Kabaka and Sekabakas”. This is as far reaching as a total blackout, especially for the Buganda language stations, whose constituency is mainly attuned to Mengo -- the cultural centre of the Baganda.
After the explosion of violence between September 10-12, the government shut down four radio stations just within two days of the unrest.
According to Godfrey Mutabazi, the chairperson of Broadcast Council, the decision to close the radios was taken to prevent “genocide” in Uganda as they had been “turned into conduits for inter-tribal hate messages.”
CBS’s channels, 88.8 and 89.2 were switched off at around 1600hrs on September 10. The same week on Friday, three more stations – Akaboozi Ku Biri, Suubi FM and Radio Saptienta – were shut down in an intensifying clampdown on reporting about the bloody battles.
Broadcasting Council agents backed by soldiers raided the studios of Radio Sapienta, a Catholic Church-run station, according to its director, Sister Denis Samanya. The station had aired a morning talkshow during which callers reacted to Thursday’s deadly riots, she said.
A similar raid took place at Radio Two, a local language station popularly known as “Akaboozi”, according to General Manager Maria Kiwanuka. Both Samanya and Kiwanuka said they had not received notice of any breach before the closures.
Suubi FM, a commercial, youth-oriented station also mainly broadcasting in Luganda, was also forced off the air after a raid by soldiers and Council technicians, according to Managing Director Ahmed Bogere Masembe. The station later received a notice from Mutabazi accusing it of “inciting the public to violence,” he said. Masembe says his initial reaction was that his station had been mixed up with another for he saw no breach.
After dealing with the media houses which are to suffer the biggest price of license revocation as in the case of CBS and suspension of the license as in the case ofr Akaboozi, Sapientia and Suubi (Sapientia has since been reopened), focus was tuned on the presenters and talkshow hosts.
The latest victim is government-owned Uganda Broadcasting Corporation (UBC) television manager, Mr Mark Walungama, who was fired this week for allegedly allowing pictures of the recent city riots to air on a national broadcaster.
Mr Walunguma, 44, is accused of sanctioning “nasty” pictures where armed security personal were shown clobbering rioters in the city streets. Though the managers denies this was the reason.
Journalist Charles Odongtho, also working for another overnment-controlled outlet, Vision Voice, a member of the Vision Group, was fired through a friendly sms sent by his producer. Mr Odongtho, who previously worked with Radio Paidha before joining Uganda Radio Network and Vision Voice as News Editor and host of two talkshows on the same station, says he never received any formal communication.
Mr Odongtho, who has been hosting Vision Parliament on Monday and Press Chat on Wednesdays received a message that simply said; “we are changing you from your shows, another person will be hosting them; we are sorry for losing you.”
The most prominent journalism victim remains talksshow host, Kalundi Sserumaga, who was abducted on the night of September 11, tortured and only transferred to police from secret detention the next day into a police cell. He was released on bail on September 15. Six counts of sedition were read for him at Buganda Road Court.
Several other media victims have not grabbed headlines and these include Peter Kibazo (WBS), Charles Ssenkubuge Siasa (Radio Simba), and Radio Sapienta journalists; Matovu Aloysius, Irene Kiseka and Ben Mutebi – Amayengo.
UBC publicists and the Broadcasting Council’s Mutabazi have denied that Mr Walunguma was fired because of the images he allowed to be broadcast on UBC TV. “I thought his dismissal had much to do with financial misappropriation than his professional conduct,” Mr Mutabazi said. At Vision Voice, Radio manager Bill Tibingana had warned show hosts not to discuss the riots days before Mr Odongtho was fired, sources said.
Inside Politics can reveal that WBS television was asked to suspend broadcast of the syndicated Voice of America live TV and Radio show, Straight Talk Africa. The popular show, hosted by celebrated Ugandan-born journalist Shaka Ssali, hosted two successive shows on Uganda after the riots. One of the shows featured Inspector General of Police Kale Kayihura, Leader of Opposition in Parliament Prof. Ogenga Latigo and Supreme Court judge George Wilson Kanyeihamba. Sources at both the Broadcasting Council, WBS and VOA have told Inside Politics that the Council first asked for a recording of one of the shows before quietly advising suspension as a review was being done.
Inside Politics understands that an official at WBS communicated the developments to Washington DC, the headquarters of VOA which communication has sparked a diplomatic frenzy over the intentions of the State. These reports could not be independently verified.
While exact details of the actual negotiations between President Museveni and Kabaka Mutebi have remained a closely guarded secret following their Wednesday meeting, the Kabaka’s push for the reopening of CBS has come out clearly as a major point of negotiations. The kingdom’s deputy Minister for Information Medard Ssegona Lubega confirmed to Inside Politics that it was a key issue. Like the Kabaka, several owners of the closed stations are opting for quiet negotiations mainly to save their businesses.
A source at Radio One has told Inside Politics that the station owners have been told that “the fate of Radio Two will depend on how Radio One behaves.” This has resulted in more self-censorship. And for the affected media personalities, they are waiting to see how this goes - helpless to pursue justice on their own without the backing of their employers.
With the only nationwide-reaching network of radio and TV through UBC TV and radio and several channels affiliated to the two, especially radio coupled with the Vision Group with at least five newspaper titles, and a growing broadcast wing with at least three FM stations so far and holding a licensed but still off air TV, government controls more than 60 percent of the broadcasting space in the country. A majority of private FM stations are also owned directly by government officials or business people who support the ruling party. Observers say that attacking the private media therefore is an effort to close the little space available for alternative views.
It is with this in mind that the political Opposition led by the Forum for Democratic Change called for the opening of the closed stations, failing which they called for a boycott of State-run media.
Following the government’s liberalisation of the air waves in 1990, many private media houses were set up. Today, Uganda has more than 150 FM stations, 10 newspapers and 20 television stations. This growth prompted the government to set up Uganda Broadcasting Council with the stated objective of promoting the growth of a responsible and free press that adheres to the highest standards of journalism.
Media experts, however, have noted that the growth has not necessarily led to the championing of free speech and expression that is imperative ifjournalists are to carry out their watchdog role on behalf of society. The government stands accused of using the Broadcasting Council to clamp down on independent and critical voices.
According to Mr John Baptist Wasswa, a media consultant and a mass communication lecturer at Makerere University, even fine journalists have increasingly found themselves in a difficult situation as the political system manipulates the media. “The daily press no longer, routinely, set the agenda for change, breaks stories, exposes or make serious political investigations,” Mr Wasswa said.
The Broadcasting Council is set to introduce fresh guidelines to broadcast media regarding reporting on issues touching on Buganda Kingdom and the government. Inside Politics has learnt that the Council is now inviting different radio stations to a meeting where new rules are to be issued. Some radio proprietors have been warned that they risk their licenses being revoked if they fail to comply.
Mr Mutabazi told Inside Politics that all radio stations have been ordered to instal equipment which allows in-studio presenters to listen to phone call before onward broadcast. “We want to control people who call in and start spreading hate messages,” Mr Mutabazi said. “All radio stations are supposed to employ these equipments or else they will have their licenses revoked.”
Prof. Fredrick Jjuuko of Makerere University’s Faculty of Law says much as the media laws in place do not give enough freedom to the media, journalists have been passive in fighting for their rights. “The law emphasises economic rights and property ownership for businessesmen to invest in the media and instead suppresses the political civil content of the media,” Prof. Jjuuko argued at a media dialogue on Monday. According to him, much as the media in Uganda is growing, the government suppression of dissent is growing just as fast. As a result several journalists find themselves in court on all manner of charges.
Four journalists from Monitor Publications stand accused of criminally defaming the [former] IGG, Justice Faith Mwondha, through articles: IGG in salary scandal (Sunday Monitor, 19, 2007 and God’s Warrior’ Faith Mwondha stumbles.
Rrecently three other Monitor journalists, managing editor Daniel Kalinaki and senior reporters Angelo Izama and Grace Matsiko have been grilled by the Police over information contained in an article, which ran in the Daily Monitor of December 28, 2008, under the title, Reclusive Kony: UPDF’s tactics under spotlight. The government claims the information was prejudicial to national security.
Mr Kalinaki and Sunday Monitor editor, Henry Ochieng are also in court on alleged charges of forgery and uttering a false document.
This narrowing of the avenues for mas communicatio have greatly impacted the capacity of the Opposition to mobilise. In one incident, Dr Kizza Besigye, the FDC leader, was barred from appearing on a talkshow hosted by the Kitgum-based Kitti FM. The radio’s generator was switched off, reportedly on the orders of the area RDC.
Another popular talk show programme, Tonight with Tegulle on UBC was also suspended for allegedly hosting Dr Besigye. This high level of State interference in the activities of the media can only be a prelude for even darker days ahead as the country draws closer o the 2011 general elections. It is understood that the ruling establishment will more than ever before seek to control the news to its advantage ahead of, and during, the polls.
This state of affairs is unlike the vibrant media industry in Kenya that has rallied the public and forced the government to reconsider its position in passing a bad electronic media law that would have allowed government functionaries to raid media houses and studios to confiscate media equipment.
According to the 2006 Global Press Report by Reporters without Borders, Tanzania is the region’s best-rated country in terms of press freedoms.
Uganda dropped from 80th to 116th position on the index. Kenya is at 118 among the 168 countries evaluated. The director of the American Centre for International Labour Solidarity, Mr Richard Hall, has said America is on the alert over the increasing violation of media freedoms in Uganda.
The Secretary General of the Eastern Africa Journalists Association, Mr Farouk Omar Osman, has said the country’s future may worsen if the government does not address key issues facing journalists. “It is sad that the government has preferred charges against journalists here in Uganda. This is intimidation and we cannot accept it. Let us collect and disseminate information on what is happening to the rest of the world,” he said. “The crackdown on the media is everywhere but we have to show solidarity and ensure we address these gross violations of the freedom of the media,” he added.
M
Monday, October 5, 2009
Sunday, September 6, 2009
AU gives UPDF mandate to attack Somali militants
Gerald Bareebe
Entebbe
The African Union (AU) has reviewed the mandate of UPDF in Somalia and allowed the Ugandan forces to attack the Al-shabab militants, the Defence minister announced yesterday.
Dr Crispus Kiyonga told Journalists after flagging- off three UPDF battalions to Somalia at Entebbe military airbase yesterday that the earlier mandate constrained the UPDF and was deadly as it demanded the peacekeepers to fight back only if they were attacked first.
The new mandate now means that the UPDF can carry out pre-emptive attacks on the insurgents in the war tone Horn of Africa country.
While three battalions left Entebbe yesterday, three others returned from Somalia in a rotational arrangement.
Mr Kiyonga told journalists yesterday that the UPDF mandate was reviewed last week at the AU emergency summit in Libya.Kiyonga represented President Yoweri Museveni at the summit.
“Our view as Uganda and Burundi has been that the mandate under which we are operating was very constraining,” Mr Kiyonga said. “We would have made much more progress if the mandate was more facilitating. Currently, the army just seats where they are in their detachments even when they have information that insurgents are just two kilometres away,” he said, “They [UPDF] can not attack them. We wait for insurgents to shoot first and we respond.”
Mr Kiyonga also said the Tripoli meeting gave UPDF flexibility meaning that if the army got information that the insurgents were to attack, the peacekeepers would pre-empt them.
“The peace and Security Council of AU in Addisa Ababa is going to talk to us -the troops contributing countries and our commanders - and we shall make prescriptions which we think are more helpful,” he said.
The UPDF presence in the war- torn Horn of Africa is part of African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM) an active regional peacekeeping mission operated by the African Union with the approval of the United Nations. AMISOM is mandated to support transitional governmental structures, implement a national security plan, train the Somali security forces, and to assist in creating a secure environment for the delivery of humanitarian aid.
The new contingent of UPDF whose deployment started yesterday is under the command of Col. Kasigazi Tumusiime who has replaced Col. Jack Bakasumba.
Uganda and Burundi have more than 4,000 troops deployed in Somalia. The heavily undermanned and underfunded peacekeeping force is meant to secure the Presidential Palace, air and sea ports and the city's main roads but has come under increasing attacks from Islamic extremists.
The government has defended its deployment in Somalia saying instability in that country, which has not had a functioning government in almost two decades, undermines security in the whole region.
At the Entebbe military air base, there was excitement and cheers as the returning soldiers stepped at the home soil .The soldiers, who have spend nine month in Somalia, arrived yesterday at 11;00 am aboard an Algerian-Russian modle-Illusyian 76.
They looked tired but were well-equipped. They were addressed by Mr Kiyonga and the command of land forces, Gen. Katumba Wamale.
Mr Kiyonga told Journalists that Kenya and Tanzania had agreed to provide military training to1,000 Somalis each, while Algeria, Italy, USA, and Russia are providing logistical support to the mission.
Gen. Wamala said UPDF has managed to secure Mogadishu from the Al-shabab and also provide military training to Somalis so as to be able to defend their country from military fanaticism.
Entebbe
The African Union (AU) has reviewed the mandate of UPDF in Somalia and allowed the Ugandan forces to attack the Al-shabab militants, the Defence minister announced yesterday.
Dr Crispus Kiyonga told Journalists after flagging- off three UPDF battalions to Somalia at Entebbe military airbase yesterday that the earlier mandate constrained the UPDF and was deadly as it demanded the peacekeepers to fight back only if they were attacked first.
The new mandate now means that the UPDF can carry out pre-emptive attacks on the insurgents in the war tone Horn of Africa country.
While three battalions left Entebbe yesterday, three others returned from Somalia in a rotational arrangement.
Mr Kiyonga told journalists yesterday that the UPDF mandate was reviewed last week at the AU emergency summit in Libya.Kiyonga represented President Yoweri Museveni at the summit.
“Our view as Uganda and Burundi has been that the mandate under which we are operating was very constraining,” Mr Kiyonga said. “We would have made much more progress if the mandate was more facilitating. Currently, the army just seats where they are in their detachments even when they have information that insurgents are just two kilometres away,” he said, “They [UPDF] can not attack them. We wait for insurgents to shoot first and we respond.”
Mr Kiyonga also said the Tripoli meeting gave UPDF flexibility meaning that if the army got information that the insurgents were to attack, the peacekeepers would pre-empt them.
“The peace and Security Council of AU in Addisa Ababa is going to talk to us -the troops contributing countries and our commanders - and we shall make prescriptions which we think are more helpful,” he said.
The UPDF presence in the war- torn Horn of Africa is part of African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM) an active regional peacekeeping mission operated by the African Union with the approval of the United Nations. AMISOM is mandated to support transitional governmental structures, implement a national security plan, train the Somali security forces, and to assist in creating a secure environment for the delivery of humanitarian aid.
The new contingent of UPDF whose deployment started yesterday is under the command of Col. Kasigazi Tumusiime who has replaced Col. Jack Bakasumba.
Uganda and Burundi have more than 4,000 troops deployed in Somalia. The heavily undermanned and underfunded peacekeeping force is meant to secure the Presidential Palace, air and sea ports and the city's main roads but has come under increasing attacks from Islamic extremists.
The government has defended its deployment in Somalia saying instability in that country, which has not had a functioning government in almost two decades, undermines security in the whole region.
At the Entebbe military air base, there was excitement and cheers as the returning soldiers stepped at the home soil .The soldiers, who have spend nine month in Somalia, arrived yesterday at 11;00 am aboard an Algerian-Russian modle-Illusyian 76.
They looked tired but were well-equipped. They were addressed by Mr Kiyonga and the command of land forces, Gen. Katumba Wamale.
Mr Kiyonga told Journalists that Kenya and Tanzania had agreed to provide military training to1,000 Somalis each, while Algeria, Italy, USA, and Russia are providing logistical support to the mission.
Gen. Wamala said UPDF has managed to secure Mogadishu from the Al-shabab and also provide military training to Somalis so as to be able to defend their country from military fanaticism.
AU gives UPDF mandate to attack Somali militants
Gerald Bareebe
Entebbe
The African Union (AU) has reviewed the mandate of UPDF in Somalia and allowed the Ugandan forces to attack the Al-shabab militants, the Defence minister announced yesterday.
Dr Crispus Kiyonga told Journalists after flagging- off three UPDF battalions to Somalia at Entebbe military airbase yesterday that the earlier mandate constrained the UPDF and was deadly as it demanded the peacekeepers to fight back only if they were attacked first.
The new mandate now means that the UPDF can carry out pre-emptive attacks on the insurgents in the war tone Horn of Africa country.
While three battalions left Entebbe yesterday, three others returned from Somalia in a rotational arrangement.
Mr Kiyonga told journalists yesterday that the UPDF mandate was reviewed last week at the AU emergency summit in Libya.
r Kiyonga represented President Yoweri Museveni at the summit.
“Our view as Uganda and Burundi has been that the mandate under which we are operating was very constraining,” Mr Kiyonga said. “We would have made much more progress if the mandate was more facilitating. Currently, the army just seats where they are in their detachments even when they have information that insurgents are just two kilometres away,” he said, “They [UPDF] can not attack them. We wait for insurgents to shoot first and we respond.”
Mr Kiyonga also said the Tripoli meeting gave UPDF flexibility meaning that if the army got information that the insurgents were to attack, the peacekeepers would pre-empt them.
“The peace and Security Council of AU in Addisa Ababa is going to talk to us -the troops contributing countries and our commanders - and we shall make prescriptions which we think are more helpful,” he said.
The UPDF presence in the war- torn Horn of Africa is part of African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM) an active regional peacekeeping mission operated by the African Union with the approval of the United Nations. AMISOM is mandated to support transitional governmental structures, implement a national security plan, train the Somali security forces, and to assist in creating a secure environment for the delivery of humanitarian aid.
The new contingent of UPDF whose deployment started yesterday is under the command of Col. Kasigazi Tumusiime who has replaced Col. Jack Bakasumba.
Uganda and Burundi have more than 4,000 troops deployed in Somalia. The heavily undermanned and underfunded peacekeeping force is meant to secure the Presidential Palace, air and sea ports and the city's main roads but has come under increasing attacks from Islamic extremists.
The government has defended its deployment in Somalia saying instability in that country, which has not had a functioning government in almost two decades, undermines security in the whole region.
At the Entebbe military air base, there was excitement and cheers as the returning soldiers stepped at the home soil .The soldiers, who have spend nine month in Somalia, arrived yesterday at 11;00 am aboard an Algerian-Russian modle-Illusyian 76.
They looked tired but were well-equipped. They were addressed by Mr Kiyonga and the command of land forces, Gen. Katumba Wamale.
Mr Kiyonga told Journalists that Kenya and Tanzania had agreed to provide military training to1,000 Somalis each, while Algeria, Italy, USA, and Russia are providing logistical support to the mission.
Gen. Wamala said UPDF has managed to secure Mogadishu from the Al-shabab and also provide military training to Somalis so as to be able to defend their country from military fanaticism.
Entebbe
The African Union (AU) has reviewed the mandate of UPDF in Somalia and allowed the Ugandan forces to attack the Al-shabab militants, the Defence minister announced yesterday.
Dr Crispus Kiyonga told Journalists after flagging- off three UPDF battalions to Somalia at Entebbe military airbase yesterday that the earlier mandate constrained the UPDF and was deadly as it demanded the peacekeepers to fight back only if they were attacked first.
The new mandate now means that the UPDF can carry out pre-emptive attacks on the insurgents in the war tone Horn of Africa country.
While three battalions left Entebbe yesterday, three others returned from Somalia in a rotational arrangement.
Mr Kiyonga told journalists yesterday that the UPDF mandate was reviewed last week at the AU emergency summit in Libya.
r Kiyonga represented President Yoweri Museveni at the summit.
“Our view as Uganda and Burundi has been that the mandate under which we are operating was very constraining,” Mr Kiyonga said. “We would have made much more progress if the mandate was more facilitating. Currently, the army just seats where they are in their detachments even when they have information that insurgents are just two kilometres away,” he said, “They [UPDF] can not attack them. We wait for insurgents to shoot first and we respond.”
Mr Kiyonga also said the Tripoli meeting gave UPDF flexibility meaning that if the army got information that the insurgents were to attack, the peacekeepers would pre-empt them.
“The peace and Security Council of AU in Addisa Ababa is going to talk to us -the troops contributing countries and our commanders - and we shall make prescriptions which we think are more helpful,” he said.
The UPDF presence in the war- torn Horn of Africa is part of African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM) an active regional peacekeeping mission operated by the African Union with the approval of the United Nations. AMISOM is mandated to support transitional governmental structures, implement a national security plan, train the Somali security forces, and to assist in creating a secure environment for the delivery of humanitarian aid.
The new contingent of UPDF whose deployment started yesterday is under the command of Col. Kasigazi Tumusiime who has replaced Col. Jack Bakasumba.
Uganda and Burundi have more than 4,000 troops deployed in Somalia. The heavily undermanned and underfunded peacekeeping force is meant to secure the Presidential Palace, air and sea ports and the city's main roads but has come under increasing attacks from Islamic extremists.
The government has defended its deployment in Somalia saying instability in that country, which has not had a functioning government in almost two decades, undermines security in the whole region.
At the Entebbe military air base, there was excitement and cheers as the returning soldiers stepped at the home soil .The soldiers, who have spend nine month in Somalia, arrived yesterday at 11;00 am aboard an Algerian-Russian modle-Illusyian 76.
They looked tired but were well-equipped. They were addressed by Mr Kiyonga and the command of land forces, Gen. Katumba Wamale.
Mr Kiyonga told Journalists that Kenya and Tanzania had agreed to provide military training to1,000 Somalis each, while Algeria, Italy, USA, and Russia are providing logistical support to the mission.
Gen. Wamala said UPDF has managed to secure Mogadishu from the Al-shabab and also provide military training to Somalis so as to be able to defend their country from military fanaticism.
Sunday, July 26, 2009
Japadhola vs Iteso: Cultural or economic war?
Gerald Bareebe
Tororo
Mr Suleiman Wasoko Luboti is a retired driver and resident of Tororo Municipality. The 64-year-old has lived here since he was 20 and says he has not felt unsettled like in the past days after Cabinet announced its decision to split Tororo into Mukuju and Kisoko districts.
“The government should be bold enough and spilt this district. Failure to do so will be postponing the problem,” he said. “The truth is that the two tribes can no longer peacefully live together.”
The agitation for a district status for the Iteso of Tororo started in 1998. In 2005 when President Museveni held a rally at Mukuju Sub-county headquarters, a brave Iteso ate a live rat to demonstrate to the President that there is a cultural variation between the Iteso and the Jopadhola.
This action prompted Mr Museveni to institute two commissions of inquiry, the Prof. Foster Byarugaba commission and that of Dr Crispus Kiyonga.
Both commissions recommended for the split of Tororo into Mukuju and Kisoko districts and also contended that the municipality remains in Mukuju.
Tracing the origin
At first, the current Tororo District was named Budama but was later divided into West Budama and East Budama. The Iteso who occupied East Budama rejected the name ‘Budama’ arguing that they are not Badama.
That led to the renaming of East Budama Tororo County and this area includes present-day Tororo Municipality.
When Tororo was given municipality status, it was detached from the county. As a result, Tororo District is comprised of the constituencies of West Budama, Tororo County and Tororo Municipality.
The Jopadhola are Luo. They have similar traditions of origin with the Alur, Acholi and the Joluo of Kenya. They live amidst various Bantu ethnic groups. They are said to have settled there since the middle of the 16th century.
They are surrounded on all sides by the Bantu and the Nile-Hamites peoples.
To the west live the Banyole and the Basoga; to their north and East live the Bagwere and Iteso; and to their south live the Basamia and Bagwe.
The Iteso, on the other hand, are part of the Karimojong group which is said to have come from Abyssinia. By the first half of the 18th century, they had settled on the shores of L. Salisbury.
Tradition asserts that the ancestors of the Iteso came form the direction of Karamoja. However, other historians have modified this tradition to assert that the Iteso are a Nilo-Hamitic group with similar origins as the Langi, the Karimojong, the Jie and the Kumam.
Although it is still hard to figure out which tribe inhabited Tororo District first, the 2002 national census figures show that the Jopadhola are the majority in the municipality and the district at large.
They constitute 57 per cent of the district’s population, while the Iteso are 32 per cent. In the municipality, Jopadhola are 29.5 per cent, followed by the Iteso, 22.4 per cent, Bagisu, 11.5 per cent, Basoga at 6.2 per cent and Banyole at 5.6 per cent.
Tororo Municipality, whose ownership is a big subject of disputation, is the main economic centre in the district. Maps of Tororo District obtained by Saturday Monitor from Uganda bureau of standards show that Tororo Municipality lies in Tororo County.
“The only solutions to this standoff is dividing Tororo because it is what is truthful, It is what is just, It is what is historically correct and it is consistent with previous resolutions,” said Dr Apollo Epuwatt, who operates a private dispensary in Tororo Municipality.
Dr Epuwatt, whose uncle, Moses Ekiring, was killed in the battle against the Jopadhola in 1947 said the Iteso can not be seen to be advancing tribalism by demanding for their identity after several years under marginalisation by the Jopadhola.
Is there evidence of marginalisation?
The entire population of Tororo District is estimated at 838,600, West Budama county is estimated to have 440,100 inhabitants while Tororo county has 327,500 with the municipality have 71,000 inhabitants.
The Iteso say they have over the years been marginalised and denied access to development services by the Jopadholas who dominate most leadership positions at the district. This dominance gives the Jopadhola a chance to influence and determine resource allocation.
Districts records accessed by Saturday Monitor do not suggest otherwise. On the district executive committee, out of the five members, only one Mr Martin Etoori, the vice chairman, is an Iteso. On the public accounts committee, out of the five members, only one, Ms Alice Dokoria, is an Iteso.
The Iteso complain that the Jopadhola engineered a stronghold on committees, which they used to divert a disproportionately larger share of resources to West Budama at the expense of Iteso’s Tororo County.
The 2008/9 budget for education saw Jopadhola’s West Budama getting 75 per cent, compared to Iteso’s Tororo County’s 25 per cent. The Jopadhola have 102 government aided schools while the Iteso have only 48.
In the 2005/6 financial year, the budget allocated to education was skewed with West Budama getting 77 per cent compared to Tororo’s 22 per cent. For the road fund, West Budama got 90km of the total 94.
In the 2009/10 budget estimates for road maintenance and rehabilitation, West Budama is to get 63.2 per cent compared to Tororo County’s 36.8 per cent.
Cultural versus tribal sentiments
As the Jopadhola are fighting to keep their cultural dominance in the region, the Iteso are fighting for their economic survival.
West Budama MP William Oketcho, while appearing before the Local Government Committee of Parliament, said the Jopadhola are not willing to surrender Tororo Municipality because it has some of Jopadhola’s cultural sites. “We are protecting the heritage of our people, the municipality has our cultural shrines and we cannot allow it to be destroyed,” he said.
But the Iteso have dismissed this and accuse the Jopadhola chief of carrying out a deliberate annexation of Iteso’s areas. They also accuse him of buying a land at Amagoro from two Iteso to construct a palace.
“The Jopadhola kingdom is post-independence and not pre-colonial like Buganda and Bunyoro. It came because of the recent government policy toward traditional leaders,” said Mr Nicholas Dokoria, the representative of Emorimor in Tororo County. “King Tieng Adhola was just elected by only Japadholas but he now claims to be in charge of all of us they are using the kingship to claim territories.”
Who stands to lose?
The Jopadhola ‘s fear is that splitting Tororo makes, West Budama lose most in terms of property. These include, the key industrial town of Tororo, which is now economically viable, especially after the discovery of huge phosphate and the revitalisation of Tororo Cement. The government also plans the construction of an inland port in Tororo.
“We have contributed to the development of this town and we shall not surrender it to the Iteso,” says Mr Peter Owori, motorcyclists in Tororo town.
Tororo town is also an educational centre with schools like Tororo Girls, St. Peters College Manjansi, hospitals like Tororo and St. Anthony. Tororo rock, the district’s pride, is also in the municipality.
Apart from small towns like Nagongera and Mulanda trading centres, the new Kisoko district has minimal development activities . However, the Local Government Act provides for the sharing of properties if a district is split.
Tororo
Mr Suleiman Wasoko Luboti is a retired driver and resident of Tororo Municipality. The 64-year-old has lived here since he was 20 and says he has not felt unsettled like in the past days after Cabinet announced its decision to split Tororo into Mukuju and Kisoko districts.
“The government should be bold enough and spilt this district. Failure to do so will be postponing the problem,” he said. “The truth is that the two tribes can no longer peacefully live together.”
The agitation for a district status for the Iteso of Tororo started in 1998. In 2005 when President Museveni held a rally at Mukuju Sub-county headquarters, a brave Iteso ate a live rat to demonstrate to the President that there is a cultural variation between the Iteso and the Jopadhola.
This action prompted Mr Museveni to institute two commissions of inquiry, the Prof. Foster Byarugaba commission and that of Dr Crispus Kiyonga.
Both commissions recommended for the split of Tororo into Mukuju and Kisoko districts and also contended that the municipality remains in Mukuju.
Tracing the origin
At first, the current Tororo District was named Budama but was later divided into West Budama and East Budama. The Iteso who occupied East Budama rejected the name ‘Budama’ arguing that they are not Badama.
That led to the renaming of East Budama Tororo County and this area includes present-day Tororo Municipality.
When Tororo was given municipality status, it was detached from the county. As a result, Tororo District is comprised of the constituencies of West Budama, Tororo County and Tororo Municipality.
The Jopadhola are Luo. They have similar traditions of origin with the Alur, Acholi and the Joluo of Kenya. They live amidst various Bantu ethnic groups. They are said to have settled there since the middle of the 16th century.
They are surrounded on all sides by the Bantu and the Nile-Hamites peoples.
To the west live the Banyole and the Basoga; to their north and East live the Bagwere and Iteso; and to their south live the Basamia and Bagwe.
The Iteso, on the other hand, are part of the Karimojong group which is said to have come from Abyssinia. By the first half of the 18th century, they had settled on the shores of L. Salisbury.
Tradition asserts that the ancestors of the Iteso came form the direction of Karamoja. However, other historians have modified this tradition to assert that the Iteso are a Nilo-Hamitic group with similar origins as the Langi, the Karimojong, the Jie and the Kumam.
Although it is still hard to figure out which tribe inhabited Tororo District first, the 2002 national census figures show that the Jopadhola are the majority in the municipality and the district at large.
They constitute 57 per cent of the district’s population, while the Iteso are 32 per cent. In the municipality, Jopadhola are 29.5 per cent, followed by the Iteso, 22.4 per cent, Bagisu, 11.5 per cent, Basoga at 6.2 per cent and Banyole at 5.6 per cent.
Tororo Municipality, whose ownership is a big subject of disputation, is the main economic centre in the district. Maps of Tororo District obtained by Saturday Monitor from Uganda bureau of standards show that Tororo Municipality lies in Tororo County.
“The only solutions to this standoff is dividing Tororo because it is what is truthful, It is what is just, It is what is historically correct and it is consistent with previous resolutions,” said Dr Apollo Epuwatt, who operates a private dispensary in Tororo Municipality.
Dr Epuwatt, whose uncle, Moses Ekiring, was killed in the battle against the Jopadhola in 1947 said the Iteso can not be seen to be advancing tribalism by demanding for their identity after several years under marginalisation by the Jopadhola.
Is there evidence of marginalisation?
The entire population of Tororo District is estimated at 838,600, West Budama county is estimated to have 440,100 inhabitants while Tororo county has 327,500 with the municipality have 71,000 inhabitants.
The Iteso say they have over the years been marginalised and denied access to development services by the Jopadholas who dominate most leadership positions at the district. This dominance gives the Jopadhola a chance to influence and determine resource allocation.
Districts records accessed by Saturday Monitor do not suggest otherwise. On the district executive committee, out of the five members, only one Mr Martin Etoori, the vice chairman, is an Iteso. On the public accounts committee, out of the five members, only one, Ms Alice Dokoria, is an Iteso.
The Iteso complain that the Jopadhola engineered a stronghold on committees, which they used to divert a disproportionately larger share of resources to West Budama at the expense of Iteso’s Tororo County.
The 2008/9 budget for education saw Jopadhola’s West Budama getting 75 per cent, compared to Iteso’s Tororo County’s 25 per cent. The Jopadhola have 102 government aided schools while the Iteso have only 48.
In the 2005/6 financial year, the budget allocated to education was skewed with West Budama getting 77 per cent compared to Tororo’s 22 per cent. For the road fund, West Budama got 90km of the total 94.
In the 2009/10 budget estimates for road maintenance and rehabilitation, West Budama is to get 63.2 per cent compared to Tororo County’s 36.8 per cent.
Cultural versus tribal sentiments
As the Jopadhola are fighting to keep their cultural dominance in the region, the Iteso are fighting for their economic survival.
West Budama MP William Oketcho, while appearing before the Local Government Committee of Parliament, said the Jopadhola are not willing to surrender Tororo Municipality because it has some of Jopadhola’s cultural sites. “We are protecting the heritage of our people, the municipality has our cultural shrines and we cannot allow it to be destroyed,” he said.
But the Iteso have dismissed this and accuse the Jopadhola chief of carrying out a deliberate annexation of Iteso’s areas. They also accuse him of buying a land at Amagoro from two Iteso to construct a palace.
“The Jopadhola kingdom is post-independence and not pre-colonial like Buganda and Bunyoro. It came because of the recent government policy toward traditional leaders,” said Mr Nicholas Dokoria, the representative of Emorimor in Tororo County. “King Tieng Adhola was just elected by only Japadholas but he now claims to be in charge of all of us they are using the kingship to claim territories.”
Who stands to lose?
The Jopadhola ‘s fear is that splitting Tororo makes, West Budama lose most in terms of property. These include, the key industrial town of Tororo, which is now economically viable, especially after the discovery of huge phosphate and the revitalisation of Tororo Cement. The government also plans the construction of an inland port in Tororo.
“We have contributed to the development of this town and we shall not surrender it to the Iteso,” says Mr Peter Owori, motorcyclists in Tororo town.
Tororo town is also an educational centre with schools like Tororo Girls, St. Peters College Manjansi, hospitals like Tororo and St. Anthony. Tororo rock, the district’s pride, is also in the municipality.
Apart from small towns like Nagongera and Mulanda trading centres, the new Kisoko district has minimal development activities . However, the Local Government Act provides for the sharing of properties if a district is split.
FDC, police in fresh row over Jjulunga murder inquiry
Gerald Bareebe
Kampala
The opposition Forum for Democratic Change is on another collision course with the Police after its internal inquiry into the death of party activist Tom Jjulunga accused the Force of deliberately mishandling the case and protecting the prime suspect Mr Vincent Baguma.
The July 14 report prepared by FDC secretary for Internal Affairs Frank Atukunda, alleges that apart from the police tipping off Mr Baguma to escape initial arrest in his Mubende hide-out on June 13, the Force is currently holding him at the Kireka-based Rapid Response Unit. The Police have since denied FDC officials from accessing Mr Baguma despite the Force agreeing with the party to cooperate in the conduct of the inquiry.
“All attempts to talk to him while in detention have all been futile. Police have said we can only access him if we are his lawyers or relatives,” the report says.
Mr Jjulunga, who was killed in a mysterious city shooting on June 6, had made his name criticising the government on Kampala radio debates, commonly known as Ebimeeza.
According to the FDC report, the understanding to cooperate in the inquiry was reached at a June 8 meeting between FDC officials led by Maj. John Kazoora and senior police officers Mr Francis Mujinya, the Kampala Metropolitan Counter Terrorism Chief, Mr Paul Kato, the Kampala Metropolitan CID Chief and Mr Edward Ochom, the director of CID.
Mr Baguma, who allegedly hired the car in which Mr Jjulunga was murdered, was on June 21 presented by the Police to the press as having handed over himself voluntarily and confessed that he was involved in a car robbery in Kawempe, where he claimed Jjulunga was shot.
The FDC report also disputes this, pointing out that no case of robbery was reported at Kawempe Police on the night of the murder of their party activist. “Our investigations show that this record did not exist prior to Baguma’s arrest,” the report says.
Mr Atukunda told Daily Monitor on Saturday that prior to the Police shielding Mr Baguma, the latter had agreed to tell the FDC officials everybody that was involved in the murder. “We made attempts to talk to him in Kireka but they (Police) have refused,” he said.
Police spokesperson Judith Nabakooba has accused FDC officials of trying to distort information before Police concludes its investigations. “What do they want us to do? We are still investigating,” Ms Nabakooba said on Saturday.
“Mr Baguma is still in detention at RRU. [But] let us wait for the investigators to do their part,” she added. The latest row puts more pressure on Police regarding the conduct of high profile investigations.
Kampala
The opposition Forum for Democratic Change is on another collision course with the Police after its internal inquiry into the death of party activist Tom Jjulunga accused the Force of deliberately mishandling the case and protecting the prime suspect Mr Vincent Baguma.
The July 14 report prepared by FDC secretary for Internal Affairs Frank Atukunda, alleges that apart from the police tipping off Mr Baguma to escape initial arrest in his Mubende hide-out on June 13, the Force is currently holding him at the Kireka-based Rapid Response Unit. The Police have since denied FDC officials from accessing Mr Baguma despite the Force agreeing with the party to cooperate in the conduct of the inquiry.
“All attempts to talk to him while in detention have all been futile. Police have said we can only access him if we are his lawyers or relatives,” the report says.
Mr Jjulunga, who was killed in a mysterious city shooting on June 6, had made his name criticising the government on Kampala radio debates, commonly known as Ebimeeza.
According to the FDC report, the understanding to cooperate in the inquiry was reached at a June 8 meeting between FDC officials led by Maj. John Kazoora and senior police officers Mr Francis Mujinya, the Kampala Metropolitan Counter Terrorism Chief, Mr Paul Kato, the Kampala Metropolitan CID Chief and Mr Edward Ochom, the director of CID.
Mr Baguma, who allegedly hired the car in which Mr Jjulunga was murdered, was on June 21 presented by the Police to the press as having handed over himself voluntarily and confessed that he was involved in a car robbery in Kawempe, where he claimed Jjulunga was shot.
The FDC report also disputes this, pointing out that no case of robbery was reported at Kawempe Police on the night of the murder of their party activist. “Our investigations show that this record did not exist prior to Baguma’s arrest,” the report says.
Mr Atukunda told Daily Monitor on Saturday that prior to the Police shielding Mr Baguma, the latter had agreed to tell the FDC officials everybody that was involved in the murder. “We made attempts to talk to him in Kireka but they (Police) have refused,” he said.
Police spokesperson Judith Nabakooba has accused FDC officials of trying to distort information before Police concludes its investigations. “What do they want us to do? We are still investigating,” Ms Nabakooba said on Saturday.
“Mr Baguma is still in detention at RRU. [But] let us wait for the investigators to do their part,” she added. The latest row puts more pressure on Police regarding the conduct of high profile investigations.
Thursday, July 9, 2009
Amnesty Commission: MPs query bosses’ double salaries
Amnesty Commission: MPs query bosses’ double salaries
GERALD BAREEBE
Kampala
Members of Parliament yesterday queried a double salary payment worth Shs540m to the chairperson of Uganda Amnesty Commission, Justice Peter Onega, and the Commission’s district settlement team manager, Ms Agnes Sekiboobo.
The money was accumulated over nine years. MPs heard yesterday that the two officials were appointed on a part-time basis which attracted a sitting allowance of Shs100,000 but due to the nature of the work, their employments were illegally upgraded to the level of a full-staff with a monthly payment of Shs2.5 million each. However, Justice Onega and Ms Sekiboobo never resigned their previous jobs and continued to earn two salaries which contravene public service guidelines.
Justice Onega continued to be paid Shs4.5 million from the judiciary with other entitlements like a car, a body guard, a driver and medical treatment while Ms Sekiboobo continued to get Shs1.5 million as a senior lecturer of statistics at Makerere University.
The MPs were shocked that the officials had with intent accepted to be paid two salaries well aware that it was against the law. “Justice Onega, you are in problems and in my view you should apologise and refund this money otherwise it is going to embarrass you and your family,” Mr Ibrahim Byandala (Katikamu North, NRM), said.
The Amnesty commission Secretary, Mr Damian Kato, who was appearing before the Parliamentary Committee on Commissions to respond to audit queries raised by the Auditor General, told MPs that he wrote to the appointing authority requesting for intervention to resolve double payment crisis but he never got a response.
Daily Monitor saw a letter from Mr Kato to the Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Internal Affairs, copied to the AG requesting that the terms of appointment for the two officials be streamlined to enable them earn one salary as required by law.
Mr Sebuliba Mutumba (Kawempe North, DP) who chaired the committee, said there was need for a legal interpretation because this situation has risen before with Justice Julia Ssebutinde and Justice Faith Mwondha being accused of earning double salaries. “Why should someone hold more than one office when there is high unemployment in Uganda?” Mr Sebuliba asked. “You can see the situation you are in now. You must refund this money.”
Some MPs accused the Ministry of Internal affairs of changing the terms of employment for the two officials without making it mandatory for them to resign. But Justice Onega dismissed MPs concerns that he broke rules governing public employment and that he was facing a moral problem by accepting two salaries. He added that he would be willing to resign from the commission and continue with his career in the Judiciary. “I don’t see any moral conflicts because when I was appointed to the commission I was told that I was supposed to receive a sitting allowance of Shs100,000. But when we realised that the nature of the work needed me to be at the commission everyday, I had to be paid that amount every day,” he said.
Ms Sekiboobo said she understood the MPs concerns but denied that she has been receiving a double payment. She said, “What I know is that I am being paid allowances. I don’t know the salary part of it.”
The two officials were yesterday placed under investigation. MPs ordered Mr Kato to provide all documents regarding employment of Justice Onega and Ms Sekibobo and also his correspondences with the Ministry of Internal Affairs
GERALD BAREEBE
Kampala
Members of Parliament yesterday queried a double salary payment worth Shs540m to the chairperson of Uganda Amnesty Commission, Justice Peter Onega, and the Commission’s district settlement team manager, Ms Agnes Sekiboobo.
The money was accumulated over nine years. MPs heard yesterday that the two officials were appointed on a part-time basis which attracted a sitting allowance of Shs100,000 but due to the nature of the work, their employments were illegally upgraded to the level of a full-staff with a monthly payment of Shs2.5 million each. However, Justice Onega and Ms Sekiboobo never resigned their previous jobs and continued to earn two salaries which contravene public service guidelines.
Justice Onega continued to be paid Shs4.5 million from the judiciary with other entitlements like a car, a body guard, a driver and medical treatment while Ms Sekiboobo continued to get Shs1.5 million as a senior lecturer of statistics at Makerere University.
The MPs were shocked that the officials had with intent accepted to be paid two salaries well aware that it was against the law. “Justice Onega, you are in problems and in my view you should apologise and refund this money otherwise it is going to embarrass you and your family,” Mr Ibrahim Byandala (Katikamu North, NRM), said.
The Amnesty commission Secretary, Mr Damian Kato, who was appearing before the Parliamentary Committee on Commissions to respond to audit queries raised by the Auditor General, told MPs that he wrote to the appointing authority requesting for intervention to resolve double payment crisis but he never got a response.
Daily Monitor saw a letter from Mr Kato to the Permanent Secretary, Ministry of Internal Affairs, copied to the AG requesting that the terms of appointment for the two officials be streamlined to enable them earn one salary as required by law.
Mr Sebuliba Mutumba (Kawempe North, DP) who chaired the committee, said there was need for a legal interpretation because this situation has risen before with Justice Julia Ssebutinde and Justice Faith Mwondha being accused of earning double salaries. “Why should someone hold more than one office when there is high unemployment in Uganda?” Mr Sebuliba asked. “You can see the situation you are in now. You must refund this money.”
Some MPs accused the Ministry of Internal affairs of changing the terms of employment for the two officials without making it mandatory for them to resign. But Justice Onega dismissed MPs concerns that he broke rules governing public employment and that he was facing a moral problem by accepting two salaries. He added that he would be willing to resign from the commission and continue with his career in the Judiciary. “I don’t see any moral conflicts because when I was appointed to the commission I was told that I was supposed to receive a sitting allowance of Shs100,000. But when we realised that the nature of the work needed me to be at the commission everyday, I had to be paid that amount every day,” he said.
Ms Sekiboobo said she understood the MPs concerns but denied that she has been receiving a double payment. She said, “What I know is that I am being paid allowances. I don’t know the salary part of it.”
The two officials were yesterday placed under investigation. MPs ordered Mr Kato to provide all documents regarding employment of Justice Onega and Ms Sekibobo and also his correspondences with the Ministry of Internal Affairs
Tortured lady narrates Iraq tribulations to MPs
Tortured lady narrates Iraq tribulations to MPs
GERALD BAREEBE
Parliament
Ms Rachael Malagala, a Ugandan woman, who was allegedly tortured by her bosses after being decoyed by a private company to work in Iraq, yesterday broke into tears as she narrated to MPs the tough torments she endured while working under terrible conditions by Iraqis.
The 24-year-old resident of Katwe II in Makindye division, Kampala District, said she was taken to Iraq in May 11, 2009 by Uganda Veterans Company, a local labour recruiting firm.
She told MPs that when she was being recruited, she was promised that she would be employed as an office secretary but was forced to do domestic work.
Ms Malagala, who was supposed to meet with the Deputy Speaker of Parliament, Ms Rabecca Kadaga, later in the afternoon, said she left Uganda with five other ladies but only three have managed to return.
Those that remained, she said, have been sexually abused and forced to go through hard times.
“I was in a bad condition, I was treated like a slave and I fed on the left-overs of my boss,” a tearful Ms Malagala said, as MPs looked on in disbelief, before adding: “I got sick and I couldn’t even work but I continued to be forced to wash hundreds of clothes.”
Ms Malagala’s case follows reports that several Ugandans working with the United States forces in Iraq are sexually abused and their contracts changed arbitrarily by the recruiting agencies.
In 2006, Daily Monitor reported a case of Mr Enock Bashaija and Mr Geoffrey Kawuka who were beaten into a coma by foreign officers at Alasad Airbase after they queried terms of their contract.
Under extreme suffering, Ms Malagala contacted the Baghdad office of Uganda Veterans Company but she was turned away.
“I told the man I found in the office that I can’t work under such conditions and he shouted at me, saying I should go on the streets and beg for money if I want to return home or I go back and work.”
She added that when she became a regular complainant at this office, she was locked in a dark room with three other women.
However, a Good Samaritan at the office, only identified as Jamilah helped her telephone the MP for Makindye West, Mr Hussein Kyanjo, who reported the matter to the floor of the House.
She added, “One of the ladies I met in the room where we were kept narrated to us how she was raped by her boss and we all started crying. She could not report to anyone.”
After Mr Kyanjo’s submission, the Speaker ordered the line ministry to investigate the matter. This, she said, frightened the company, forcing it to start arrangements to fly them back to Uganda.
Ms Malagala said she was promised a monthly payment of about $400 but when she arrived in Iraq, it was reduced to only $200 which, she says, was also never given to her.
But Ms Grace Kanyike, the managing director of Uganda Veterans Company told Daily Monitor yesterday that she has reported Ms Malagala’s case to Interpol for investigation and that if she was tortured she must be compensated.
“I am the one who paid for her visa and airtickets but she failed to work and now I am being attacked left and right,” she said.
“We don’t allow torture in my company and I have reported her case to Interpol. If it is proved that she was tortured she will be compensated.”
Mr Kyanjo, who turned emotional over Ms Malagala’s story, requested the government to black list the company and also bar it from recruiting more Ugandans for employment in Iraq.
GERALD BAREEBE
Parliament
Ms Rachael Malagala, a Ugandan woman, who was allegedly tortured by her bosses after being decoyed by a private company to work in Iraq, yesterday broke into tears as she narrated to MPs the tough torments she endured while working under terrible conditions by Iraqis.
The 24-year-old resident of Katwe II in Makindye division, Kampala District, said she was taken to Iraq in May 11, 2009 by Uganda Veterans Company, a local labour recruiting firm.
She told MPs that when she was being recruited, she was promised that she would be employed as an office secretary but was forced to do domestic work.
Ms Malagala, who was supposed to meet with the Deputy Speaker of Parliament, Ms Rabecca Kadaga, later in the afternoon, said she left Uganda with five other ladies but only three have managed to return.
Those that remained, she said, have been sexually abused and forced to go through hard times.
“I was in a bad condition, I was treated like a slave and I fed on the left-overs of my boss,” a tearful Ms Malagala said, as MPs looked on in disbelief, before adding: “I got sick and I couldn’t even work but I continued to be forced to wash hundreds of clothes.”
Ms Malagala’s case follows reports that several Ugandans working with the United States forces in Iraq are sexually abused and their contracts changed arbitrarily by the recruiting agencies.
In 2006, Daily Monitor reported a case of Mr Enock Bashaija and Mr Geoffrey Kawuka who were beaten into a coma by foreign officers at Alasad Airbase after they queried terms of their contract.
Under extreme suffering, Ms Malagala contacted the Baghdad office of Uganda Veterans Company but she was turned away.
“I told the man I found in the office that I can’t work under such conditions and he shouted at me, saying I should go on the streets and beg for money if I want to return home or I go back and work.”
She added that when she became a regular complainant at this office, she was locked in a dark room with three other women.
However, a Good Samaritan at the office, only identified as Jamilah helped her telephone the MP for Makindye West, Mr Hussein Kyanjo, who reported the matter to the floor of the House.
She added, “One of the ladies I met in the room where we were kept narrated to us how she was raped by her boss and we all started crying. She could not report to anyone.”
After Mr Kyanjo’s submission, the Speaker ordered the line ministry to investigate the matter. This, she said, frightened the company, forcing it to start arrangements to fly them back to Uganda.
Ms Malagala said she was promised a monthly payment of about $400 but when she arrived in Iraq, it was reduced to only $200 which, she says, was also never given to her.
But Ms Grace Kanyike, the managing director of Uganda Veterans Company told Daily Monitor yesterday that she has reported Ms Malagala’s case to Interpol for investigation and that if she was tortured she must be compensated.
“I am the one who paid for her visa and airtickets but she failed to work and now I am being attacked left and right,” she said.
“We don’t allow torture in my company and I have reported her case to Interpol. If it is proved that she was tortured she will be compensated.”
Mr Kyanjo, who turned emotional over Ms Malagala’s story, requested the government to black list the company and also bar it from recruiting more Ugandans for employment in Iraq.
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